The Main Function or Scope of Forensic Auditing Essay

2004). In forensic auditing special procedures are carried out in order to produce evidence. Moreover the auditing techniques are also used to identify and to gather evidence to prove any fraud. For example, how long the fraud has been carried out and how it was conducted and concealed by the perpetrators. Furthermore the forensic auditing is distinct from statutory auditing in various perspectives. The main objective of statutory audit is to express opinion on financial statements as to ‘true fair’ presentation whereas forensic auditing objective is to determine whether fraud has actually taken place in the financial statements. Basically forensic auditing refers to the whole process of investigating a financial matter. Furthermore,†¦show more content†¦(2010)]. Forensic auditing performs comprehensive analysis of investigations result across the enterprise to identify pervasive control issues. It also oversees the investigations, planning, and forensic report writing process forensic audits, and investigations and presentation of findings through reports and exhibits. It works closely with financial training function to enhance fraud auditing skills and conduct activities in areas of moderate to high risk and conduct investigations as well in complex and extremely sensitive parts. Importantly, forensic auditing promotes education and awareness on fraud risk management. [Mann, D., Nath, Y. (2010)]. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN FORENSIC AUDITING AND STATUTORY AUDITING S.no Particulars Statutory audit Forensic audit 1 Objective Express opinion as to true and fair presentation. Determine correctness of the accounts or whether any fraud has actually taken place. 2 Techniques Substantive and compliance procedures Analysis is of past trend and substantive or ‘in depth’ checking of selected transactions. 3 Period Normally all transactions for the particular accounting period. No such limitations. Accounts may be examined in detail from the beginning. 4 Verification of stock, estimation of realizable value of current asset, provisions/liability estimation etc. Relies on the management certificate/representation of management. IndependentShow MoreRelatedBenefits Of An Office Assistant1630 Words   |  7 Pagesnot change the essential position. Below are examples of the unfair and fair job changes: †¢ An administrative staff member who is inquired to undertake lunch coverage of the reception duties or learn current system could be taken to fall within the scope of an Office Assistant. †¢ Moving the same Office Assistant into a role which contains basic of food and beverage service could constitute a redundancy situation. Implementing changes to an employee’s job description may have risks, occurring most oftenRead MoreBenefits Of An Office Assistant1150 Words   |  5 Pageswhat they can be considered a reasonable change in the scope of their position and what they constitute a termination or redundancy if challenged. Reasonable changes are those that generally do not alter the essential position. Below are some examples of the unfair and fair job changes:- †¢ An administrative staff member who is inquired to undertake lunch coverage of the reception duties or learn current system could be taken to fall within the scope of an Office Assistant. †¢ Moving the same Office AssistantRead MoreChanges And Responsibilities Of An Office Assistant1148 Words   |  5 Pageswhat they can be considered a reasonable change in the scope of their position and what they constitute a termination or redundancy if challenged. Reasonable changes are those that generally do not alter the essential position. Below are some examples of the unfair and fair job changes:- †¢ An administrative staff member who is inquired to undertake lunch coverage of the reception duties or learn current system could be taken to fall in the scope of an Office Assistant. †¢ Moving the same Office AssistantRead MoreChanges And Responsibilities Of An Office Assistant1188 Words   |  5 Pageswhat they can be considered a reasonable change in the scope of their position and what they constitute a termination or redundancy if challenged. Reasonable changes are those that generally do not alter the essential position. Below are some examples of the unfair and fair job changes: †¢ An administrative staff member who is inquired to undertake lunch coverage of the reception duties or learn current system could be taken to fall within the scope of an Office Assistant. †¢ Moving the same Office AssistantRead MoreSystem Audit12707 Words   |  51 PagesComputer assisted audit techniques. Traditional vs modern audit tools, Specialized audit software benefits and functions. Applications of CAATs. 4) Production of audit programmes. Evidence, Issuing reports, types of reports, followup activities, assessing the audit, preserving evidence. 5) Role of audit in systems development. 6) Computer forensics: definition, the forensic process, information ferensics and its applications. 7) COBIT: Control Objectives for Information and relatedRead MoreWhat Does Forensic Mean?3765 Words   |  16 Pages1. What does forensic mean? From Latin forensis ‘in open court, public,’ - Relating to, used in, or appropriate for courts of law or for public discussion or argumentation. - Of, relating to, or used in debate or argument; rhetorical. - Relating to the use of science or technology in the investigation and establishment of facts or evidence in a court of law: a forensic laboratory. http://www.thefreedictionary.com/forensic 2. Define forensic accounting. Forensic accounting is a typeRead MoreSOLUTIONS MANUAL to accompany MODERN AUDITING ASSURANCE SERVICES4904 Words   |  20 Pagesï » ¿SOLUTIONS MANUAL to accompany MODERN AUDITING ASSURANCE SERVICES 3rd edition Prepared by Philomena Leung, Paul Coram and Barry Cooper  © John Wiley Sons Australia, Ltd 2007 Chapter 1 Auditing, assurance and the public accounting profession Review questions 1.1 How does an expanded role of professional accountants affect the accounting profession? The expanded role of professional accountants has affected the accounting profession, inRead MoreAnalysis Of Fraudulent Activities And Examination Of Failure Of The External Auditor3205 Words   |  13 Pagesthe fraud and the accounting methods used to commit the fraud. Also, this paper will examine the audit failure of the external auditor, Ernst Young (EY), HealthSouth Corporation?s audit committee, and HealthSouth Corporation?s internal auditor function. Richard Scrushy was indicted in November 2003 on 85 counts connected with the overstatement of HealthSouth?s earnings by about $3 billion, but was subsequently acquitted of any fraud or wrongdoing in a trial lasting five-months. However, on JuneRead MoreThe Healthsouth Fraud And Internal And External Audit Failure3212 Words   |  13 Pagesauditor function. In 2005, Richard Scrushy was indicted in November 2003 on 85 counts connected with the overstatement of HealthSouth?s earnings by about $3 billion, but was subsequently acquitted of any fraud or wrongdoing in a trial lasting five-months. However, on June 29, 2006, Scrushy was charged for bribing a governor seven years prior (Whitmire 1). Additionally, in June 2009, Scrushy was ordered by an Alabama judge too pay $2.88 billion civil judgment (Bauerlein 1). Further, a forensic auditRead MoreAn Exploratory Study of Internal Control and Fraud Prevention Measures in Smes5855 Words   |  24 Pagesbroad term with a wide area of operation [7]. It includes a number of methods and measures, which are exercised by the management to ensure smooth and economic functioning of business entity. It assists the management in the performance of various functions. Furthermore, internal control is a whole system of controls for the business entity on financial and non-financial, established by the man agement in the conduct of a business including internal check, internal audit and other forms of control [7]

William Swift s A Modest Proposal - 1483 Words

Argument Analyzation of â€Å"A Modest Proposal† In the 1700s, Ireland was under the control of the British. They also owned Northern Ireland. The British were causing immense numbers of problems for the Irish people because their policies were leaving people homeless and starving. Jonathan Swift was a man who was born and raised in Ireland during these times. He engrossed himself in Irish politics especially during this time. Swift saw the struggles of the Irish people and became outraged by their conditions. He decided to fight against the British’s actions in a unique way, hoping that it would end this time of extreme poverty for the Irish. To do so, Swift wrote the satirical essay â€Å"A Modest Proposal†, using the voice of an upper class†¦show more content†¦The first way Swift does this is by using logos throughout his essay in a way that seems ridiculous, but is quite simple to catch his meaning. On the second page of his essay, Swift calculates the numbers of â€Å"children of poor parents annually born† (Swift 764). Though his voice and main purpose is of annoyance and heading toward the solution of eating the children he’s presenting the numbers of poor children in his country, which he concludes is 120,00. This is highly effective for the argument Swift is making because it causes the readers to be aware of the large numbers of poverty right outside in a more subtle than straightforward way. Another attempt at logos is when Swift argues that, â€Å"infants’ flesh will be in season throughout the year, but more plentiful in March†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Swift 765). Swift explains that according to a French physician, after lent an even larger amount of children are born. This is supposedly an exceptional proposition in the speaker’s perspective because there would always be an abundant number of children to eat. Swift’s actual purpose, though, is to show the audience how insensitive it is to ig nore the needs of all these starving children. Pathos is used very effectively when Swift describes the homeless on the streets of Dublin in the first sentence; â€Å"It is a melancholy object to those who walk through this great town or travel in theShow MoreRelated Naked Lunch and A Modest Proposal Essay1420 Words   |  6 PagesNaked Lunch and A Modest Proposal In 1729, Jonathon Swift published an essay titled A Modest Proposal, which dealt with the issue of homelessness among the poor families of his country. His satirical proposal to control the population of homeless children stirred a debate on the morality of his proposal. Two hundred and thirty years later in 1959, William S. Burroughs published a novel entitled Naked Lunch, which dealt with the desperate struggle of drug addiction and the governments role inRead MoreA Modest Proposal By Jonathan Swift1340 Words   |  6 PagesA Modest Proposal was written in the year 1729 by the famous satirist Jonathan Swift. In his work he outlines the pros of eating unwanted children of Ireland for economical benefits in a time of great poverty. While the reader can obviously discard the idea of eating children, in his proposal, in a roundabout way, Swift speaks to hard pressing issues of the time. The state of Ireland is well described by Swift in this piece. He speaks of woman who â€Å"instead of being able to work for their honestRead MoreLiterary Analysis : Jonathan Swift1425 Words   |  6 PagesII Oct. 27, 2015 Literary analysis The author I decided to write about is Jonathan Swift for he had a keen sense for effective sarcasm. As Jonathan Swift said â€Å"The proper words in the proper places are the true definition of style.† Though he was known in different ways, he was mostly popularized through his gift in writing, particularly his satire, or his use of humor and irony, essays. Through out swift life, there has been plenty of events where I believe shape the way he was, hence his writingRead MoreAnalysis of Jonathan Swift ´s A Modest Proposal Essay532 Words   |  3 Pagesissue hasn’t been fazed a bit. From Jonathan Swift’s Modest Proposal, he clarifies the poverty issued throughout Ireland in the early 1700’s and how one suggestion could change it all. Elaborated from the Literary Reference Center, â€Å"A Modest Proposal, like Gulliver’s Travels, transcends the political, social, and economic crisis that gave birth to it, woeful as they were. Packed with irony a nd satirical revelations of the human condition†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Swift wasn’t just writing a masterpiece, but an intended,Read MoreAnalysis Of Swift s A Modest Proposal 1546 Words   |  7 PagesRoepe EN323 Rzepka 3/9/15 Swift and Blake’s Use of Irony and Persona In Satire In the context of political questions and social activism, irony, exaggeration, humor, and ridicule are all valuable rhetorical tools to expose faults and make a point (New Oxford American Dictionary). Both Jonathan Swift and William Blake confront social systems of oppression in their literary careers, most notably with A Modest Proposal and Songs of Innocence respectively. Swift’s A Modest Proposal is an address to the wealthyRead More 18th Century Literature Essay648 Words   |  3 Pagesdiary, he shows the historical background and culture of the 18th century. The reader is able to understand the values and ethics of the time through the description detailed by Samuel Pepys and the reader is also exposed to the life a man in the 1660s. A Journal of the Plague Year is an example of historical fiction. Defoe uses wide ranges of vivid descriptions including verisimilitudes and imagery, to give the reader a realistic feel of what took place through the eyes of a witness. This literaryRead MoreThe Irish Potato Famine and the Population and Social Trends through 1700-18501295 Words   |  6 Pagesto decrease 20-25% and it did not stabilize again until the 1930’s. Although there was a potato crop failure in Europe in the 1840’s, one third of the Irish population was dependent on this crop. This was inevitable due to the sole dependency of the Irish people on home-grown potatoes and the population almost doubling from 1800 - 1840. The journal, â€Å"Spaces for Famine: A Comparative Analysis in Ireland and the Highlands in the 1840’s† by Liz Young states that â€Å"if the crop was poor or failed, familiesRead MoreThe War of the Ants1689 Words   |  7 Pagesapproximations based on Amazon.com listings) Henderson, Bobby, The Gospel of the Flying Spaghetti Monster (New York: Villard, 2006). ISBN: 0812976568. $11.16. Strunk, William, and E. B. White, The Elements of Style, 4th ed. (Needham Heights: Pearson). ISBN: 020530902X. $9.95. Swift, Jonathan, A Modest Proposal and Other Satirical Works (Mineola: Dover, 1996). ISBN: 0486287599. $2.00. Course Packet (provided on first day of class--but which will expand throughout the course)Read MoreHistorical Archaeology Of The 19th Century1917 Words   |  8 Pageslong, expensive wars between King James and who would later be referred to as king William in Ireland. After the defeat of King James laws were passed that made it so that Catholics could not hold positions of power, own land or event vote. And Presbyterians could own land but could not vote. The land that could not longer be owned by the Catholics The defeat of James forces by his Protestant son-in-law, William of Orange, Ireland had become a Protestant-dominated country by the end of the seventeenthRead MoreGulliver ´s Travels by Jonathan Swift: Biographical Summary1982 Words   |  8 PagesGulliver’s Travels – Jonathan Swift – Biographical Summary Jonathan Swift was born on November 30, 1667 in Ireland to English parents, Jonathan and Abigail. His father, Jonathan, died shortly after his birth, leaving his mother to raise him and his sister alone. In Ireland, Swift was dependent on a nanny for three years because his mother moved to England. The young man was educated because of the patronage of his Uncle, Godwin Swift. Godwin sent him to Kilkenny Grammar School at age six, which

Story of an Hour Free Essays

1) Chopin heavily utilizes symbolism in her story. Describe three symbols in detail, making sure you discuss their relevance to the story’s themes. 2) Mrs. We will write a custom essay sample on Story of an Hour or any similar topic only for you Order Now Mallard is described as suffering from a heart condition. How does this malady affect her character and the events in the story? 3) Analyze the plot structure of the story. Is there any foreshadowing? What would you say is the climax of the story? 4) Does this story provide a feminist theme? Why or why not? There are three main details in â€Å"The story of an hour† Mrs. Mallard is an independence woman, role of woman in marriage life and self-assertion. Mrs. Mallard has a heart problem so is very difficult for people around her announce for her about the death of her husband. However, not like any reaction from any women we could imagine, she just weeps at once and comes back to her room by herself. â€Å"When the storm of grief had spent itself she went away to her room alone†. Even with the serious heart problem but she is very strong underneath. She overcomes the pain of the loss of her husband and accepts truth that she has to keep moving forward by herself. â€Å"And she opened and spread her arms out to them [long years in future] in welcome†. Moreover, the woman’s role in marriage life is one of the theme of the story. In the old time, there is no freedom for married people, especially woman. Even though Mrs. Mallard had been loved by her husband a lot, but when she knows that he passed away, she is waiting for her freedom to come. â€Å"†Free! Body and soul free! † she kept whispering†. And self- assertion is the most important ideal that the author want to mention. People always love themselves the most. Even the love for other is still exist, but in the deepest part of their mind they would always put themselves in the most important role. Feature Article – Short Story  The Plane of the Sleeping Beauty As Mrs. Mallard, even she has a heartbroken for the death of her husband but since then her self-assertion is show up clearly. â€Å"But she saw beyond that bitter moment a long procession of years to come that would that belong to her absolutely†. She is waiting for the time to spend her life by her own without any bending for anyone, include her be-loved husband. Mrs. Mallard has a heart problem so everyone around her always worried for her sickness getting bad. When they want to tell her the bad news about her husband, they have to find the way â€Å"as gentle as possible† to start. Because of that problem, she seems very quiet in the family. After weeping for her husband’s bad news, she goes back to her room and would not let anyone follow her. Sitting in her room and let many thoughts come through her mind without making any noise except some whispering â€Å"free, free, free! †. It does not have too many conversion between her and people around, most of the time is the thoughts in her mind. Her room remains silence until her sister asking her to open the door for her. When Mrs. Mallard heard about her husband’s death, she is looking forward to spend the rest of her life in freedom. Her life had been tighten up with her husband in such a long time, and since now it is the time for her to live for herself without the control of anyone. For me, the climax of the story is when Mr. Mallard come back in front of everyone in the house. Besides his wife, his friend and his sister in law are also very shocked to see him back because they strongly believe that he was killed in the accident. And Mrs. Mallard after the heartbroken moment for his death, the exciting moment to spend her own life in the future, and now seeing him come back surprisingly. With every shocking news come in a short time, her heart could not take it. I think there is the feminist theme in this story based on the way Mrs. Mallard reaction in front of her husband bad news. In the old time, woman are not appreciated as man. Even between Mr. and Mrs. Mallard has love, but she still lives under the control of her husband. Therefore, after the short moment weeping for his death, she is immediately plan for her future life. She excited to spend her life by her own. How to cite Story of an Hour, Essay examples Story of an Hour Free Essays Theme is the second aspect this paper will go over, which is the overall moral or idea meant to be taken away from the story. The final aspect will be the plot, which is the key points and what the entire story is based upon. Authors use literary tools to express certain feelings and or emotions; this paper will go over the mentioned earner and explain why each stood out. We will write a custom essay sample on Story of an Hour or any similar topic only for you Order Now To begin, Kate Chopin uses different types of characters very vaguely in â€Å"The Story of an Hour†. The main character or protagonist is Mrs.. Mallard, while the rest of the characters can be considered antagonists. Though Richards and Josephine may not be considered to have been drawn into conflict with Mrs.. Mallard, they are not the mall characters and thus cannot be classified as the protagonist. The three characters In the story are not considered â€Å"stock† characters, as none of them can be considered a stereotype. All three however are flat characters, no background Is given for any of the them and all that is known is Mrs.. Mallard is the wife, Richards is the husbands friend and Josephine is the sister of the main character. Mr.. Mallard, who is introduced in the final sentences of the story is very flat and is only used in he story for the development and climax. Each of the characters in the story are meant to be flat, as the story Is very short In length and any more time spent describing one or more of the story would reduce the effect of using flat characters In the first place. The use of flat characters is also important to the theme and plot of the story. Richards is only known as the husbands’ friend, if more was known about him, it would result in a different moral to be taken away, and in the case of this work, the moral is meant to be vague and unclear. The same can be said about the elation to the plot, if more time was taken to give background information on each of the characters then the plot would be diluted to the extent of seeming uneventful. Additionally, the theme and or moral of ‘The Story of an Hour† as In most stories are open to interpretation. The work is far from being an allegorical tale, as no specific or obvious moral is to be taken away from the readings and there are no parallel sequences or symbolic ideas given. The story is more of a microcosm as the entire work is a small world of its own which forces the small problems to be dealt thin the story. Themes that come to mind are that women are strong and able to overcome great costless aspect Pensacola Limitations, or Tanat men are villous In their intentions. Both are supported by the introductory sentence of the story, â€Å"Knowing that Mrs.. Mallard was afflicted with a heart trouble† (Chopin 80). As stated before, the theme relies on the characters descriptions, or lack thereof. If more character development was given then the story could be an allegorical tale, as more would be known of the characters and the reasons why they did everything they did ND why they reacted the way that they did. The theme also relies on the plot of the story to remain vague and only having the crucial events written about. If more detail was given to the events that occurred then again, the theme would be affected and given less of a hazy aspect to the reader. Finally, the plot is a unified plot as the entire story is told within a single day or in the case of â€Å"The Story of an Hour†, within an hour. An episodic plot stretches over days or weeks and is connected by transitional devices (Guy;an 14) and seeing this Tory does not have that characteristic, does not fall under that category. The dramatic structure of the story rises and falls only once and is combined with the climax of the story. The raising occurs within the sentence â€Å"Her fancy was running riot along those days ahead of her† (Chopin 81) and falls when the story is finalized with â€Å"she had died of heart disease-of Joy that kills† (Chopin 82). The story does not have moments of crisis, as the entire tale is a â€Å"Moment of crisis† from beginning to end. The plot relates to the characterizations and theme as there are no real leasebacks or foreshadowing. The use of flashbacks would affect the character development as we would have further knowledge of each character, thus resulting in â€Å"round† characters. The use of foreshadowing would result in a glimpse of the future and the motivations of each character which in turn would affect the moral or theme of the story. Throughout the entire work Chopin uses each literary device to perfection. If she had changed any parts of her characterization it would be confusing as to why such care was taken into character development and such vagueness was portrayed in the theme and plot. How to cite Story of an Hour, Papers

Personality of 12 Angry Men free essay sample

This movie goes to show how such crucial facts and minuet evidence if not processed fully and clearly can change the outcome in such a big way. In this jury they have 12 men from all different walks of life, 12 different times, and 12 different personalities. Who have an obligation to come to one conclusion and thats whether or not the young man on trial is guilty of murdering his father or is innocent beyond a  reasonable doubt. Under much frustration and lack of patience these 12 men began to get unruly and unfocused. Throughout this distraction key terms get misused, facts get turned around and more importantly emotions start to cross making it hard for these men to produce a verdict. Set in the rather claustrophobic confines of a jury room, the movie gives 12 actors a chance to showcase 12 distinct characters with interesting personality differences. First, it might be helpful to explain briefly how these types are divided. We will write a custom essay sample on Personality of 12 Angry Men or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Each personality type is represented by four letters made up from these possibilities: E  for Extroversion or  I  for Introversion sometimes the easiest to spot, outgoing vs. reserved people) S  for Sensation or  N  for iNtuition (an S focuses on actual, concrete things, an N looks at possibilities and ideas) T  for Thinking or  F  for Feeling (deciding with head or heart, objective vs. subjective) J  for Judging or  P  for Perceiving (Js are more organized, scheduled and faster with decisions and tend to see things as more black or white, Ps like to keep options open and are more flexible) These classifications together describe 16 personality types, identifying every person by one trait from each of the four pairs. And alsocan be described in the Big Five Personality Model which the five basic dimensions underlie all others and encompass most of the significant variation in human personality. These 12 characters of juror have their own personality, values, atitudes, emotions and moods. These kind of personality, values, attitudes, emotions and moods can be affected the decision making towards 19-year-old defendant which been arrested on changes of killing his own father. These 12 characters also face a barrier that may affected their decision making process.

Multinational Company Essay Example

Multinational Company Essay According to knowledge and network-based theories of multinational companies (MNCs), the main source of MNC competitive advantage is the creation and transfer of knowledge within the MNC system. The processes of knowledge creation and knowledge transfer are extensively investigated in the present literature.However, there are issues that are still underdeveloped, such as control and organizational mechanisms as a micro foundation of modern MNC theories. This paper is aimed at presenting an overview of the modern theoretical approaches of MNC competitive advantages from the managerial point of view. The applicability of these concepts is further considered in the case of MNC affiliates doing their business in transition economies in order to provide guidelines for future empirical research.Key words: multinational companies, knowledge-based theory, network-based theory, transition economies. INTRODUCTION M 1 2 NCs are recognized as the main actors of e international business, internat ional business financing and global economies. According to Ghoshal and Bartlett, MNC is a firm that has substantial direct investment in foreign countries that it actively manages. 2 The value of their sales in host countries overpasses the value of trade (imports and exports) in today’s world economy.Multinational companies attracted scientific and public attention Dr Biljana Pesalj, Assistant, Faculty of Economics, University of Belgrade, E-mail address: biljana. [emailprotected] com Ghoshal Sumantra and Bartlett A. Christopher, â€Å"The Multinational Corporation as an Interorganizational Networkâ€Å", Academy of Management Review, 15, 4, 1990, 603–625, p. 603. 237 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) rom the moment of their appearance, and especially from the beginning of their intensive growth (during the 1960s). There are many interesting and important issues concerning MNC that have been elaborated i n the literature such as motives of internationalization, forms and strategies of internationalization, effects on host and home countries, political aspects of MNC activities, emerging forms of international business financings, corporate social responsibility of MNC, relationship between the headquarters and MNC affiliates, etc.However, many questions have remain unanswered, such as particular mechanisms used to coordinate MNC’s activities, particularities of MNC affiliates doing their business in transition economies, etc. Modern theories of MNC, such as knowledge-based and network-based theories, indicate that in comparison to national3 companies4 the ability to create and transfer knowledge internally is one of the main competitive advantages of MNCs. Drawing upon knowledge-based and network–based theoretical views MNC is considered â€Å"repository of knowledge and a superior way of organizing knowledge transfer across MNC units†. In the largest number of studies, (theoretical and empirical) MNC is considered a differentiated network where knowledge is created in various parts of MNC and then internally transferred to different interrelated units. 6 The creation of innovation in MNC is no longer focused on the home country, but could be dispersed throughout the MNC system. There are authors which point out that innovative activities of foreign subsidiaries are a crucial part of innovative performance of MNC as a whole. 7 Subsidiary’s local business networks (i. . 3 4 We use the term â€Å"national companies† to denote those that organize their production activities in a sole country in contrast to multinational companies. See: Minbaeva D, Pedersen T, Bjorkman I, Fey CF, Park HJ, â€Å"MNC knowledge transfer, subsidiary absorptive capacity, and HRM†, Journal of Internation Business Studies, 34, 2003, pp. 586–599; Andersson Ulf, Forsgren Mats and Holm Ulf, â€Å"Subsidiary Embeddedness and Competence Develo pment in MNCs – A Multi – level Analysisâ€Å" Organization Studies, 22, 6, 2001, pp. 013–1034; Kogut Bruce and Zander Udo, â€Å"Knowledge of the firm and the evolutionary theory of the multinational corporation†, Journal of International Business Studies, Fourth Quarter, 1993, pp. 625–645. Kogut Bruce and Zander Udo, ibid. , p. 625. See: Andersson Ulf, Forsgren Mats and Holm Ulf, â€Å"Balancing subsidiary influence in the federative MNC: a business network view†, Journal of International Business Studies, 38, 2007, pp. 802–818; Hedlung G. , â€Å"The Hypermodern MNC – A Heterarchy? â€Å", Human Resource Management, 25, 1986, pp. –35 Yamin Mo and Otto Juliet, â€Å"Patterns of knowledge flows and MNC innovative performance†, Journal of International Management, 10, 2004, pp. 239–258. 5 6 7 238 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) involving sup pliers, customers and competitors) are often a critical source of innovation and capability development for the subsidiary. 8 In the paper, we first present the literature review on the theory of international business and theory of MNC with the focus on the modern approaches such acknowledge-based theory, network-based theory and social capital theory.Then we consider the applicability of these modern views of MNC as a possible theoretical background for the empirical research on MNC in transition economies. Namely, transition economies suffer from many distortions in comparison to developed ones and are specific in many aspects; therefore, they may require modified theoretical approaches to the conceptualization of MNC. We discuss the results of the most recent empirical studies conducted in some of the transition economies. The bjective of this analysis is to facilitate and improve the process of establishing hypotheses and conducting future empirical research on different aspect s of MNC in transition economies. The empirical results are expected to reflect at some point the modification or alternation of the MNC theoretical conceptualization, doing business in transition economies. DUNNING’S ECLECTIC PARADIGM Until the late 1980s, the dominant accepted theory of FDI was Dunning’s eclectic paradigm (OLI theory).Within the scope of this theory, Dunning proposed three main determinants of international activity of the firm and they are as follows: ownership, location and internalization (OLI triad). According to this traditional approach to the internationalization processes and MNC, firms are motivated to internationalize their business in order to exploit their ownership or firm specific advantages. 9 Traditional approaches consider that there is just one-way direction of knowledge transfer and learning – from headquarters to foreign subsidiaries.Market imperfections and high transaction costs are seen as the main reasons why MNCs prefe r transfer of knowledge-based assets using FDI (within the MNC system) to using market mechanisms. 8 Tsai Hsin-Ju and Yamin Mo, â€Å"Organizational influences on innovation transfer in multinational corporations†, Workshop on knowledge flows, School of Business and Management, Queen Mary, University of London, 2007, Internet: http://www. qmul. ac. uk /~bsw019/tsai 16/1/2008. Dunning H. John, Theories and Paradigms of International Business Activity, The Selected Essays of John H.Dunning, Volume I, Edward Elgar, 2002. 9 239 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) However, as Dunning has noticed in his later work, OLI triad needed to be supplemented over time because, apart from the mentioned determinants of international activity of firms, MNCs are increasingly investing abroad in order to protect or augment their core competences. Therefore, the existing MNC theory was not powerful enough to offer a comprehensive interp retation of the actual international business activities.During the 1980s, as a response to criticism, Dunning introduced dynamic variables connected with the strategy of the firm. In his papers, at the beginning of 2000, Dunning concluded that there was the growing importance of relational assets (productive inter-firm and intra-firm relationships that determined the amount and structure of international business) that largely influenced OLI triad of variables of international business. TRANSITION FROM TRADITIONAL TO MODERN VIEWS OF MNC A change in the academic and research focus in dealing with MNC could be noticed at the end of the 1980s.In the period before the 1980s, the research in the field the MNC was mostly related to the analysis of the relationship between headquarters and affiliates and the analysis of the decisions to invest abroad as could be noticed in the Dunning’s work. But then, the focus moved to the activities of coordination in managing the network of for eign affiliates and to the analysis of competitive advantages resulting from the economy of scope of that kind of network. This change of focus called for a new theoretical, conceptual and methodological background.The research in the field of international business and MNC has been very fruitful during the past two decades and has thrown light upon many aspects of the nature, strategy and organization of the multinational enterprise. The change in the theoretical approach was evident in the conceptualization of the MNC organizational model. Regarding the model of MNC there are generally two main schools of thought. The first (traditional) line of thought used a model of the home-based MNC. 0 The implication of this view of organization and management of MNC is that MNC makes a clear distinction between core and peripheral activities for the improvement of competitive advantages on a global scale. Core activities are always kept in the home country, while only peripheral activities are allocated to affiliates. The second 10 Solvell Orjan and Zander Ivo, â€Å"Organization of the Dynamic Multinational Enterprise, the Home–Based and Heterarchial MNC†, International Studies of Management and Organization, 25,1-2, 1995, pp. 17–38. 240 Pesalj B. Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) (new, modern) line of thought includes several models of MNC, such as the geocentric firm,11 the diversified MNC,12 the inter-organizational network13 and the heterarchical MNC. 14 Without going into details and differences between these organizational models, we note that all these models have in common the suggestion that there are complex organizational structures and management processes in MNC aimed at upgrading competitive advantages by combining â€Å"global integration† and â€Å"local differentiation† of MNC.Since we consider this second stream more acceptable and more present in the modern literat ure, we focus on the concept of MNC as a differentiated interorganizational network (transnational solution given by Bartlett and Ghoshal15) as one of the approaches within this strand. The concept of MNC as a differentiated inter-organizational network means that MNC cannot be regarded as a uniform organization, but as a system of interrelated and interconnected organizational parts that are very different.The organizational parts of MNC differ greatly in their characteristics as well as in their contribution and role in the development of the competitive advantages of MNC as a whole. We do not consider the approach of Bartlett and Ghoshal as superior in comparison to, for example, the model of Hedlund or others, but we choose this approach because it has initiated a number of empirical studies that have considerably contributed to the understanding of sources of MNC’s competitive advantages.The most recent developments in theories of the firm view a firm as a â€Å"knowled ge-creating entity† and argue that knowledge and the capability to create and use are the most important sources of a firm’s sustainable competitive advantage. 16 As many authors point out, there has been a 11 12 13 14 15 16 Perlmutter V. Howard, â€Å"The Tortuous Evolution of the Multinational Corporation†, Columbia Journal of World Business, January – February, 1969, pp. 9–18. Prahalad C. K. , â€Å"Strategic Choices in Diversified MNCs†, Harvard Business Review, July – August, 1976.Bartlett Christopher and Ghoshal Sumantra, Managing across borders: The transnational solution. , Harvard Business School Press, Boston, MA, 1989. Hedlund G. , â€Å"The Hypermodern MNC – A Heterarchy? â€Å", Human Resource Management, 25, 1986, pp. 9–35. Bartlett Christopher and Ghoshal Sumantra, Managing across borders: The transnational solution. , loc. cit. Nonaka Ikujiro, Toyama Ryoko and Nagata Akiya, â€Å"A Firm as a Knowledge-c reating Entity: A New Perspective on the Theory of the Firm†, Industrial and Corporate Change, 9, 1, 2000, pp. 1–20. 241 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 37–259) revolutionary transition from the conceptual model of MNC, as a market failure approach of internalization theory and transaction costs theory, to knowledge–based theories of the firm. The new perspective of MNC is based on the application of knowledge and network theories. The knowledge-based theory of MNC mainly deals with the characteristics of knowledge, transfer of knowledge and determinants of these processes. Within the knowledge-based theory, there is a large body of literature that deals with RD units that are seen as the main sources of the knowledge creation. 7 On the other side, the network theory and particularly the embeddedness concept give some more evidence on the other MNC source of knowledge – knowledge created and assimilate d in the close cooperation with local partnering organizations. These two approaches will be presented in the following text. THE NETWORK-BASED THEORY OF MNC MNC’s affiliates are the main sources of competitive advantages of MNC because they build deep and long-term relationships with local business partners as well as with other units of the MNC system. Due to these close relationships, new knowledge could be created.The main characteristic of this knowledge is that it is tacit – embedded in a specific context. Embeddedness could be defined as a set of close relationships with partner organizations in the business network and it relates to the intensity of information exchange and to the level of adjustments made between business partners. The term â€Å"embeddedness† has its origin in the classification of different types of knowledge systematized by Lam. 18 This author used tacit – explicit and individual – collective dimensions to identify the following four types of knowledge: embrained (individual-explicit), embodied (individualtacit), encoded collective-explicit) and embedded (collective-tacit). Embedded knowledge is tacit and context-specific (collective) ingrained in inter-dependent routines, technologies and procedures as well as in individuals who share common experiences and values. Such characteristics raise higher ambiguity and complexity barriers to transferability of this type of knowledge. 17 18 Further analysis in this field showed that RD units have very important roles in the MNC system. Lam Alice, â€Å"Tacit knowledge, organizational learning and societal institutions: an integrated framework†, Organizational Studies, 21, 2000, pp. 87-513. 242 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) The concept of affiliate embeddedness in the business network of relationships with stakeholders is opposed to that of traditional business contact, which a firm makes with its suppliers and consumers and that ends with the exchange. Some relationships in the business network of the affiliate are developed over time, so they evolve from traditional relations to a high level of cooperation and integration. 9 Therefore, the more the affiliate is dependent on its partners in carrying out its business activities and the more it is adjusted to them, the more it is embedded in the business network. If partner organizations are also dependent on the affiliate and adjusted to it, it is more possible that the affiliate embeddedness will be stimulated, because the interdependence leads to the creation of long-term cooperation. So, the higher the interdependence between an affiliate and its partners, the more embedded the affiliate will be in the business network. 0 Further research based on the application of the embeddedness concept clearly indicates that relationships in the network have an influence on affiliate performance. 21 Researchers in this field hypothesize and empirically prove that the closer the business cooperation of the affiliate with partner organizations the easier it is for the affiliate to assimilate new knowledge that comes from outside the MNC system. Consequently, the affiliate is able to innovate and improve its performance in the local market (market performance).The empirical research has also found that the ability of MNC affiliates to assimilate new knowledge from the local business environment could be a crucial source of competitive advantage for MNC as a whole and not just a source of market performance of an affiliate. 22 The empirical research 19 Andersson Ulf, Forsgren Mats, Pedersen Torben, â€Å"Subsidiary performance in multinational corporations: the importance of technology embeddednessâ€Å", International Business Review, 10, 2001, pp. 3–23. Andersson Ulf and Forsgren Mats, â€Å"Subsidiary Embeddedness and Control in the MNCâ€Å", International Business Review, 5, 5, 1996, p p. 87–508. Andersson Ulf and Forsgren Mats, â€Å"Subsidiary Embeddedness and Control in the MNCâ€Å", ibid; Andersson Ulf, Forsgren Mats, Pedersen Torben, â€Å"Subsidiary performance in multinational corporations: the importance of technology embeddednessâ€Å", loc. cit. See: Ghoshal Sumantra and Bartlett A. Christopher, â€Å"The Multinational Corporation as an Interorganizational Networkâ€Å", Academy of Management Review, 15, 4, 1990, pp. 603–625; Gupta Anil and Govindarajan Vijau, â€Å"Knowledge flows and the structure of control within multinational corporationsâ€Å", Academy of Management Review, 16, 4, 1991, pp. 68–792; Dunning John and Lundan Sarianna, â€Å"The Geographical Sources of Competitiveness of Multinational Enterprises: an econometric analysisâ€Å", International Business Review, 7, 1998, pp. 115–133. 20 21 22 243 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) dealing sp ecifically with technological knowledge has confirmed the hypothesis that a higher level of external technological affiliate embeddedness is correlated with higher importance of that affiliate for the development of MNC as a system. 23 Authors Andersson et al. 4 focused on the role and performance effect of the subsidiary’s embeddedness. This study found that external subsidiary embeddedness had a positive impact on the development of products (market performances) and the processes in MNC (performances of MNC as a whole through transfer of knowledge). The results of the Andersson et al. ’s study also indicate that there might be a negative relationship between external embeddedness and influence (power) of the subsidiary inside MNC. These results indicate the paradoxical effect of embeddedness.Namely, embeddedness is a way to provide some new competences for the subsidiary and increase its performance and performance of other units, but on the other hand, it could lea d to a reduced interest in contributing to the MNC’s overall performance. These remarks point out that there are some conflicting forces inherent in the federative MNC: 1) gravitation of units, based on the mutual interest in business within the same organization and 2) centrifugal forces as a result of subsidiaries’ embeddedness in the unique local business contexts.This issue will be further discussed in the following segment within the context of knowledge transfer. THE KNOWLEDGE-BASED THEORY OF MNC Knowledge-based theory of MNC views these companies as â€Å"social communities that specialize in the creation and internal transfer of knowledge†. 25 This approach is used by Kogut and Zander26 to make an evolution of the theory of MNC suggesting that MNCs have superior efficiency in knowledge transfer across borders than through external market 23 24 Andersson Ulf, Forsgren Mats and Holm Ulf, â€Å"Subsidiary Embeddedness and Competence Development in MNCs â⠂¬â€œ A Multi – level Analysisâ€Å", loc. it. Andersson Ulf, Forsgren Mats and Holm Ulf, â€Å"Balancing subsidiary influence in the federative MNC: a business network view†, Journal of International Business Studies, 38, 2007, pp. 802-818. Kogut Bruce and Zander Udo, â€Å"Knowledge of the firm and the evolutionary theory of the multinational corporation†, Journal of International Business Studies, Fourth Quarter, 1993, 625-645, p. 625. Ibid. 25 26 244 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) mechanisms.MNCs are specialized in transfer of tacit knowledge27 that could not be distributed successfully through the market. 28 These authors have empirically proven that the less codifiable and the harder to teach is the technology, the more likely transfer will be done inside the firm. The new perspective of the firm argues that organizations have distinctive advantages in comparison to some institutional mechan isms such as market. These distinctive advantages are based on organizations’ particular capabilities for creating and sharing of knowledge, having in mind tacit knowledge, in particular.The research of knowledge-based and network-based theories provided the re-assessment of the role of the subsidiary, suggesting that it could be strategic in the MNC system. It is now largely accepted that knowledge, created and accumulated in the network of MNC’s organizational units, is a strategically important source of MNC competitive advantage. 29 MNCs have the possibility to access this stock of knowledge, but also to combine it in order to find some new ways of their use. But, there are many challenges for the MNC management concerning successful transfer of knowledge across units.Namely, there are authors that indicate that transfer of knowledge inside the 27 Tacit knowledge is too complex and could not be transferred through the market, so MNCs appear to be efficient vehicles for the transfer of this type of knowledge across the borders. Competences are idiosyncratic, specific, tacit, non–codified knowledge that is very difficult to transfer from one affiliate to another. Speaking of the knowledge transfer it is important to notice the difference between explicit knowledge and tacit knowledge.Explicit knowledge is objective and can be expressed in forms such as: data, scientific formulas, specific actions and manuals. Tacit knowledge is difficult to codify and formalize because it is embedded in individuals and is experiential and subjective. Tacit knowledge such as belief, perspective, mental models, ideas and ideals are embedded in people, while organizational knowledge is embedded in organizational processes, procedures, routines and structures. Since explicit knowledge could be easily transmitted it could also be easily imitated by competitors and because of that it is not likely to be a source of competitive advantage.In contrast, tacit know ledge is difficult to access from outside, it is so hard to imitate and because of that it is very important in the creation of distinctive competences. It is clear that tacit knowledge is hard to transmit and it could be done only with the exchange of key people and all the systems that support them (Nonaka Ikujiro, Toyama Ryoko and Nagata Akiya, â€Å"A Firm as a Knowledge-creating Entity: A New Perspective on the Theory of the Firm†, Industrial and Corporate Change, 9, 1, 2000, 1-20). Kogut Bruce and Zander Udo, â€Å"Knowledge of the firm and the evolutionary theory of the multinational corporation†, loc. cit.Bjorkman Ingmar, Barner-Rasmussen Wilhelm and Li Li, â€Å"Managing knowledge transfer in MNCs: the impact of headquarters control mechanisms†, Journal of International Business Studies, 35, 2004, p. 443. 28 29 245 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) organization is very difficult due to the ch aracteristics of knowledge itself, the specifics of the donor, the specifics of the receiver, and the nature of the relationship between them. 30 It has also been suggested that there are significant barriers to knowledge and innovation transfer because knowledge is embedded in social capital. 1 Affiliates develop long-term relationships with its external partnering organizations. In these relationships, organizations are deeply involved and develop their absorptive, problem-solving and innovative capacity. But, this capacity (knowledge) is developed inside a specific context that could be completely useless in a different context. In this way, the question of successful transfer is raised and further, competences of the management to coordinate and motivate knowledge-sharing are brought to front.Complex and close relationships that the affiliate has with its stakeholders could create competences and knowledge that could not be easily applied within a different business context. Kno wledge, developed by the affiliate, critically depends on the business context, and even on specific relationships. This feature is positively correlated with the ability of the affiliate to create new knowledge. For example, close and long-term cooperation with certain consumers or suppliers provides enlargement of the affiliate’s capacity to solve problems and to create new knowledge.But, the more the solutions are adequate for a specific context the more difficult they are to apply in the business context of other affiliates in the system. As a consequence, it is assumed that the technological embeddedness of the affiliate is positively correlated with the competence development, but also with the characteristics of the context. So, it could be concluded that there is a trade-off between embeddedness (which determines the market performance of the affiliate) and the possibilities of knowledge transfer to other organizational units of MNC (which determines the organizationa l performance of MNC affiliates).However, even though these theoretical considerations sound reasonable they have not been confirmed by the previous empirical research. The study of Andersson et al. 32 has shown that the affiliate embeddedness in the network of 30 These barriers are known as â€Å"corporate immune system† in Birkinshaw Julian and Ridderstrale Jonas, â€Å"Fighting the corporate immune system: a process study of subsidiary initiatives in multinational corporations†, International Business Review, 8, 1999, pp. 149–180.Zander Ivo and Solvell Orjan, â€Å"Cross–Border Innovation in the Multinational Corporation, A Research Agenda†, International Studies of Management Organization, 30, 2, 2000, pp. 44–67. Andersson Ulf, Forsgren Mats and Holm Ulf, â€Å"Subsidiary Embeddedness and Competence Development in MNCs – A Multi – level Analysisâ€Å" Organization Studies, 22, 6, 2001, pp. 1013–1034. 31 32 246 Pes alj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) business relationships is positively correlated with the competence development of MNC as a whole.This conclusion does not imply that all the relationships that an affiliate has with its partners are equally important and that affiliates should be equally embedded in all parts of the network. It means that only some relationships have these features, and they have to be recognized and developed. With regard to these challenges, there is a very important line of research that is focused on the ability of the subsidiary to act as a mediator between external and internal network of MNC.This research stream is especially focused on knowledge transfer within MNC, its determinants and effects on the performance. Studies investigate characteristics of knowledge transfers,33 characteristics of the sender and/or the receiver,34 the relationship between organizational design and knowledge transfers35 and the relationship between knowledge transfers and performances of the sender or receiver. 6 ORGANIZATIONAL MECHANISMS AND KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER IN MNCS Reviewing the knowledge-based approach to MNCs, authors Foss and Pedersen point out that even though it is a very popular and leading modern approach, in the theory of MNC there is still â€Å"a lack of adequate understanding of many of the causal mechanisms and contextual factors in relation between knowledge processes and organizational factors†. 7 Despite a great contribution of the knowledge-based theory to better understanding of MNC on the basis of investigation of importance, determinants and performances of knowledge transfer there are still some important aspects that are 33 34 35 36 Kogut Bruce and Zander Udo, â€Å"Knowledge of the firm and the evolutionary theory of the multinational corporation†, loc. cit. Gupta, Anil and Govindarajan, Vijay, â€Å"Knowledge Flows within Multinational Corporations†, Strategic Management Journal, 21, 2000, pp. 73–496. O’Donnell W. Sharon, â€Å"Managing Foreign Subsidiaries: Agents of Headquarters, or an Independent Network? †, Strategic Management Journal, 21, 2000, pp. 525–548. Mahnke Volker, Pedersen Torben and Venzin Markus, â€Å"Why do MNC subsidiaries engage in knowledge sharing with other subsidiaries and what are the implications for performance†, DRUID 10th Anniversary Summer Conference, Copenhagen, Denmark, June 27–29, 2005, Internet: http://www. druid. dk/uploads/tx_picturedb/ds2005-1488. df 8/01/2008. Foss Nicolai and Pedersen Torben, â€Å"Organizing knowledge processes in the multinational corporation: an introduction†, Journal of International Business Studies, 35, 2004, pp. 340–349. 37 247 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) underdeveloped. More research is needed on issues of organizational control mechanisms that would give micro foundations to the knowledge-based theory of MNC.More attention needs to be devoted to some issues such as â€Å"provision of incentives, the monitoring of managements and employees, etc. ,†38 and how they may influence the core processes investigated within the knowledge-based theory of MNC – transferring and deploying of knowledge. In the most recent studies using knowledge-based approach of MNC, we could notice that these remarks of Foss and Pedersen are still valid in the present. In order to deal with these issues especially useful is the literature that applies the concept of differentiated MNC.This approach largely provides an empirically based insight into the organizational aspects of knowledge transfers between MNC units. Also, the approach to the research of organizational mechanisms that is based on the social capital theory has provided some very useful insight. To foster knowledge flows within MNC, the parent company has at its disposal tailoring and control mechanisms in order to provide that knowledge is shared among units and consequently that performance is increased. 9 The other relevant argument is revealed in the study of Bjorkman et al. 40 Namely, the process of competences development engages human resources that are nowadays the most valuable resource. Once created, transfer of knowledge that is tacit and the context is specific requires the assistance of the same human resources that participated in the process of creation. So, the subsidiary might face some trade-off between the engagement of resources in the process of competence creation and in the process of knowledge transfer to other units. Therefore, eadquarters need to apply some mechanisms to motivate affiliates to engage its resources in the process of knowledge outflows for the benefits of other units and MNC as a whole, since the same resources could be used in the process of competence development for its own benefits, leading to a better po sition in the MNC system. 41 38 39 Ibid. , p. 341. Rabbiosi Larissa, â€Å"The evolution of reverse knowledge transfer within multinational corporations†, Paper ID: A108, â€Å"The Capitalization of Knowledge: cognitive, economic, social cultural aspects† Turin, Italy, 18–21 May, 2005, Internet: http://www. riplehelix5. com/pdf/A108_THC5. pdf 11/1/2008. Bjorkman Ingmar, Barner-Rasmussen Wilhelm and Li Li, â€Å"Managing knowledge transfer in MNCs: the impact of headquarters control mechanisms†, Journal of International Business Studies, 35, 2004, pp. 443–455. Ibid. 40 41 248 Pesalj B. , Konkurentske prednosti multinacionalnih kompanija, MP 2, 2011 (str. 237–259) Mahnke et al. 42 contributed with a new perspective of the contributing subsidiary – a unit that shares knowledge with other parts of MNC, analyzing its motives to do so and effects on its performance.These authors investigated reasons

Hawthorne essays

Hawthorne essays Hawthornes Picture of Puritanism The Puritans were a group of people who came over from England to the new world for religious freedom. They believed that the Anglican Church of was not strict enough. They first attempted religious freedom in Holland, but they were not happy there. They were not happy in Holland, so they saved their money and came to America. Puritans believed that the purpose of life was to get to heaven. Their time here was a passage way to heaven or hell. Although they believed that their lives were predestined, they tried to live their lives without sin in hopes that they would go to heaven, not hell. They thought that God had already chosen who would be going to heaven and who would be going to hell as far back as when he created the world. William Bradford encapsulates Puritan ideas in his writing. We see this in his story set on the Mayflower. There was a young man on the boat. He was putting down the poor on the ship because they were seasick on the way over. Bradford says, and did not let to tell them that he hoped to cast half of them overboard before they came to their journeys end, and to make merry with what they had (314). This young man was sinning as far as the Puritans thought. He was doing harm onto another person. And as far as the Puritans believed, something like this would send you to hell. Further in the passage, But it pleased God before they came half seas over, to smite this young man with a grievous disease, of which he died in a desperate manner, and so was himself the first that was thrown overboard... (Bradford 314). The young man on the ship has threatened the chosen people and in turn God protects them by striking the young man sick and having him being the first to be cast off the boat. We have read two stories by...

Corporate Social Responsibility of China Telecom Dissertation

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Personal Narrative Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

Personal Narrative - Essay Example Despite the fact that the subject of ridicule on my body was gone, I was not aware of the fact that the ridicule would still continue as I joined school. With the onset of the adolescent stage, many girls in my class started getting curvier, and in my and other people’s opinion prettier yet I still maintained my rather stiff self. This is something that quite disturbed me considering the fact that this was a time when fitting in was quite an issue. Most of my peers were busy getting clothes that flaunted their bodies while I on the other hand quite struggled to dress my skinny self. This had started affecting me and it was during this difficult time that my father started teaching me a valuable and significant lesson regarding beauty and the power of self confidence. During my childhood, my family always indulged in a weekly ritual that we called family night. We always used this time for various activities and we would hold family councils when we would discuss important subj ects. Sometimes we would just play games, watch a movie or take ice cream while talking about moral issues of the time. There are times when we would get carried away and sing songs while hearing dad’s many stories. It was during one these family times that my dad brought a movie entitled Johnny Lingo for us to watch. In the movie was a shy ten year old girl who had long, stringy brown hair and big brown eyes on a freckled face. One would say that Pillsbury Dough Boy was her closest relative. However, the story was one filled with a lot of hope and in my own world I would say magic. The movie was all set up on an island and was about this girl named Mohana, who was actually quite ugly. She was all skin and bone and rarely washed or combed her stringy hair. Most of her time was spent on the woods so that no one could see her and make fun of her funny looks. In addition to this she was quite sidelined in her family due to the fact that everyone deemed her ugly. However, one day , a handsome young man named Johnny Lingo came to the Island and asked for Mohana’s hand in marriage. He gave Mohana’s father eight cows as a gift in exchange for Mohana. This was a great demonstration of devotion and love towards Mohana because the standard used to be four cows as a gift to the girl’s family. A year later Johnny Lingo and Mohana returned to visit the island and people hardly recognized Mohana who was now totally transformed. She now had long, shining beautifully combed hair and had put on some weight. In addition to this, her personality had greatly changed. She was not the same girl that used to hide in the woods so that people would not call her ugly, she seemed to have a lot of self assurance and confidence. Johnny Lingo said that he had bought her a silver and pearl inlaid mirror as well as a comb set and reminded her every day that she was beautiful. He said that Mohana had always had inner beauty that had not been discovered. I came to re alize the significance of this movie years later when fully practicing my modeling career. It had taken me sometime to realize that I had something special that could be used to my advantage. The people around me especially my father who gave me lots of positive reinforcement that helped me get the desirable effects consequently excelling in my career (Redmond & Montedoro, p.1). I had started small by participating in the schools fashion shows and beauty pageants. Even though most of my peers thought that it was a wild goose

The Media and its Representation of Islam and Muslim Women Term Paper

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History of Primary Education Reform 1871-1904

History of Primary Education Reform 1871-1904 1. Siam in the Expansion period 1905 1934 In the preceding chapter, we considered the foundation period of primary education reform from 1871 to 1904, particularly in relation to ethics instruction. In this chapter, we will consider the second period of reform the expansion period. This period, extending from 1905 to 1934, embraced the last five years of King Rama Vs reign (1905 1910), together with the reigns of Kings Vajiravudh (or Rama VI, 1910 1925) and Prajadiphok (or Rama VII, 1925 1934). These were eventful years for Siam, witnessing the rise of a new political class, the countrys entry upon the international stage through its participation in the Great War and the League of Nations, the effects of the Great Depression, the abrupt transition from absolute to constitutional monarchy in the revolution of 1932, and the abdication of the reigning monarch Rama VII in 1934. ‘Goodness, beauty and prosperity will be with them throughout their lives if they have acquired education.'[1] These words from Rama Vs decree of 1871 sum up his vision of education, including its moral dimension. As we have seen, he began by ‘modernising education within the palace, but by the end of his reign had embarked on the expansion of educational opportunities to people of all classes throughout Siam. Early in the expansion period, the subject of Ethics was added to the primary curriculum, its content comprising essentially a course in Buddhist morality. This reflected the anxiety of Rama V that the people would lose touch with their ethical and spiritual roots in Buddhism a possible undesirable side-effect of his own attempts modernise (which meant, in effect, to ‘secularise) the education system. At the start of the foundation period, Rama Vs most pressing educational concern had been to produce more highly qualified and competent administrators to staff the offices of his government. By the end of his reign, however, the realisation was growing that a modern state needed not just a literate bureaucracy but also a diversely skilled workforce capable of supporting a productive and diversified economy. Thus, by 1913, King Vajiravudh (Rama Vs son) had proclaimed two national educational goals: to broaden the scope of public education beyond the art of reading and writing, and to educate the people for productive vocations.[2] Attempts to develop basic education on these lines, and even to provide opportunities for higher education, continued through the reign of Prajadhipok (Rama VII: 1925-1934). In 1932, however, a coup took real power from his hands, leaving him as a figurehead. Nevertheless, the cause of public education was taken up vigorously by the new national government. Article 63 of the 1932 Constitution stated that ‘all educational institutions must be under the State and more than half of the population will complete primary education by 1942.'[3] The revolution had been carried out in the name of democracy, but the revolutionaries were uncomfortably aware that the Siamese people had little notion of what would be required of them in a parliamentary state. Thus Siams the school system found itself charged with an additional task to educate citizens for democracy. Before focusing on the changes made to education in the expansion period, we must explore more fully these aspects of the historical context.[4][5] 1.2. Politics and Administration 1905-1934 (B.E. 2448-2477) Faced with the advance of western colonialism, King Rama V had embarked on a radical program of modernization of Siamese society. Only a ‘modern Siam could preserve its independence and identity against Western power. But modernisation was a long-term strategy. In the short term, it was necessary to play for time by cultivating friendly relations with the colonial powers, in the hope of forestalling any confrontation that might lead to the loss of territory or sovereignty. Accordingly, Rama V signed a number of unequal treaties, granting extraterritorial rights to European citizens, and even gave up some of his dominions to assuage the imperial appetites of Britain and France. From 1894, Rama V carried out a major administrative reorganization, putting in place a system which still forms the basis of public administration today. Administration was decentralized to regional and local authorities (Monthons) under the power of the Interior Ministry. Each region comprised a number of provinces (or towns), and each province a number of districts and villages. The head of each region was a Lord-Lieutenant, or sometimes a Viceroy, who was invested with full power to administer his area under the provisions of the Royal Decrees promulgated from time to time. Governors and district officers were appointed in all rural areas. Bangkok was exempted from this system, as the king remained its supreme head, although he delegated this power to the Metropolitan Ministry.[6] Taken as a whole, these measures were successful both in maintaining the countrys independence throughout the turbulent years of the Western colonial threat and in providing a foundation for the modern system of government.[7] [Was this the local government system that inherited responsibility for the local schools in 1935, after the failure of the local committee system was acknowledged?] 1.2.1. King Vajiravudh (1910 1925) At the death of Rama V in 1910, his son Prince Vajiravudh succeeded to the throne as Rama VI. The first Siamese monarch to receive an education abroad, Vajiravudh had attended Sandhurst and Christchurch College, Oxford, spending nine years in England before his return to Siam in January 1903.[8] As king, Vajiravudh continued the process of nation-building and administrative reform begun by his father. By this time, the educational initiatives of the previous reign were producing actual improvements in the quality of governmental administration. Junior officials were better qualified and more capable. In addition, at the elite levels of government, many of the kings brothers had, like the king himself, completed studies in Europe in a range of fields including natural science, finance, public administration, military science, and diplomacy. They were able to bring this expertise to their leading roles in government. As a result of the high importance attached to it by the crown over two reigns, government service acquired a prestige that made people prefer it to other occupations. In the expansion period, the government increasingly saw that this tendency was not wholly beneficial to the broader development of Siams society or economy.[9] Peoples aspirations needed to be channelled in the direction of economically productive work. Meanwhile, the upper echelons of the growing bureaucratic class had become part of a new social elite. There were two other strands to this elite: the officers of the new standing army, and the business class that had emerged since the Bowring treaty opened up Siam to free international trade in 1855. Together, these three groups formed a new ‘political class that increasingly resented its exclusion from power. As we will see, this sense of exclusion ultimately found expression in the revolution of 1932. Vajiravudh, however, was more preoccupied with Siams fortunes in the international arena than with creating a fairer distribution of power within the kingdom. If Siam was to stay independent, its people had to be made patriotic and ready to fight for their nation. Accordingly, from the beginning of his reign, he tried to promote nationalistic feelings in Thai men and boys, and to develop military discipline and training. To this end, he founded the Boy Scout Organization in 1909. Boys were encouraged to join the scouts, where they learned to be patriotic, to obey rules and orders, and to sacrifice themselves for their country.[10] In 1911, a Senior Scouts Corps was established and became, in effect, a territorial army. As we will see, scouting activities were also eventually incorporated into the school curriculum. Thus, these patriotic and military virtues became part of the ethics that the school system tried to inculcate. Another step in the same direction was the creation of the ‘Wild Tiger (Sua Pa) Corps in 1911. The name was borrowed from the group of men who kept watch on the frontiers of Siam. These Wild Tigers of the past were believed to have embodied qualities such as hardiness, patriotism, piety, fearlessness, and devotion to the king, combined with deep knowledge of both nature and warfare all the qualities, in short, that Vajiravudh wanted to promote among Siamese manhood in his own day.[11] World War I provided Siam with an opportunity to test its new military prowess, and to raise its international profile. Vajiravudh prudently maintained neutrality through most of the war, but in July 1917 he decided that the time had come to demonstrate Siams progress towards modern nationhood. He entered the war on the side of the Allies, sending an expeditionary force of 1,200 volunteers to Europe. Shortly after entering the war, Vajiravudh also changed the national flag, abandoning the motif (introduced by Rama II) of an elephant on a red ground, and replacing it with the Siamese tricolour, which remains in use today. The choice of red, white and blue was a shrewd gesture of solidarity with Siams war allies in particular the colonial powers, Britain and France which had flags of the same three colours. The deeper significance of the flag, however, was as a symbol of the new consciousness that Vajiravudh wanted to create in Siam and for which education was to be an important instrument. The Siamese (still, in reality, mainly a nation of subsistence farmers, living in remote villages, most of whom had never seen a foreigner, or read a newspaper) had to be made more aware of their Siamese identity; they had to be made to feel a patriotism that transcended local loyalties, and become willing to fight or make sacrifices for their country. The new flag communicated this duty. It had five horizontal stripes (from top to bottom: red, white, blue, white, and red). The red stripes stood for the nation (and for blood spilt in its defence), the white ones for religion (the moral purity of the Dhamma), and the wider blue band in the centre occupying one-third of the total area symbolized the monarchy. The monarch would be a focus for patriotism, crystallising a vague sense of belonging into a specific obligation. In this way, loyalty to the monarchy became part of ‘ethics that were cultivated in the school system. Vajiravudhs efforts to play the part of friend to the colonial powers met with some success. Upon the defeat of Germany in 1918, Siam participated in the Versailles conference and became a founding member of the League of Nations. Having thus achieved a presence in the international arena, Siam began to renegotiate the unequal treaties of the two preceding reigns. In 1920 the United States became the first country to give up special trading privileges and extraterritorial rights, except in certain cases.[12] But growing international esteem could not stop growing discontent at home, which was in fact being fuelled by education. By this time, not only members of the royal family were being educated abroad. Some members of the foreign-educated elite brought radical political ideas back with them when they came home from Europe. At the same time, Siam itself was becoming more exposed to western culture, as the growth of literacy created a minority market for newspapers and literature. Western novels and romances were translated, and film screenings were common in Bangkok by the time Vajiravudh came to the throne in 1910. Ideas of freedom and equality were part and parcel of this cultural influx.[13] At the same time, the conspicuous wealth and unrestrained power of the royal family began to provoke resentment. The behaviour of Vajiravudh, an aesthete who loved display, tended to fuel this ill will. His coronation in 1910, a grand affair attended by royalty from Europe and Japan, swallowed no less than 8% of the national budget. This and other extravagances, such as his enthusiasm for palace-building, soon got him into debt, necessitating a foreign loan. For all Vajiravudhs intellectual sophistication, such habits made it difficult for him to command the same respect as his father. A challenge to absolutism began to take shape in Siam among the new political class.[14] Even before Vajiravudh, Rama V had been confronted with the question of whether to share his power. As we have seen, he resisted the suggestion that he move towards a more constitutional form of government in his lifetime. However, he realised that this resistance could not last forever. Shortly before his death in 1910, he stated to ministers his wish that the Crown Prince Vajiravudh should introduce a constitution and a parliament when he eventually to the throne.[15] When that time came, however, Vajiravudh did no such thing. In 1912, two years after Vajiravudhs accession, a group of junior army officers, exasperated with absolutism, plotted a coup detat. Their plan was discovered before it could be implemented and the leaders were imprisoned. However, the attempt forced Vajiravudh to recognise the vulnerability of his position. At first, he attempted to enter into dialogue with the critics by giving lectures and writing articles for the press (something that his education and literary ability qualified him to do), sometimes under the concealment of pseudonyms.[16] For example, in Klon Tid Law (‘Mud on Wheels), he argued that the main obstruction to the development of the kingdom was the lack of competent people: the implication was perhaps that Siam was not ready for democracy yet. But by 1916 the king had lost patience. Giving up on dialogue and experimentation, he opted for repression. He began by closing down certain newspapers on various pretexts, and in 1923, (after some years of hesitation prompted by fear of western criticism), he enshrined censorship in law, prosecuting many publishers and closing many presses. Yet even now, realising perhaps that history was against him, he equivocated by showing some willingness to move towards constitutional government. As late as 1924, he stated that: If people really want a constitution, and if it is well intended, then petition for it. I shall not hold any grudges against anyone for doing so. I shall consider the pros and cons of the petition. I myself think that it is better to have a constitution, and feel that for one person to hold absolute power is not judicious.[17] However, any further steps that he might have taken towards constitutional government were cut short. After ruling Siam for 15 years, Vajiravudh died of blood poisoning in 1925 at the early age of 44. King Vajiravudh deliberately ignored the current tradition that each reigning ruler usually set up one royal monastery by turning his attention to setting up an educational institution instead; he had Vajiravudh College established under his patronage. [This might go better in the later section on religion. It might suggest that the influence of Buddhism faded a bit in Vajiravudhs reign.] 1.2.2. Prajadhipok (Rama VII) 1925-1934 King Prajadhipok, officially named Rama VII, came to the throne in 1925. He promulgated many new laws such as the Land Expropriation Act 1928, the marriage law amendment 1930, etc. [Something should be said about the significance of these laws. Otherwise, the reader learns little from these statements.] All of these laws were thoroughly scrutinized [by whom?] and were strictly adhered to by the populace, which positively affected the country [This sounds too blandly positive and uncritical see my ‘advice.] [Also, I think you need to say something about Prajadhipoks policies on education and Ethics instruction. If he simply continued the policies of Rama VII, you need to say so explicitly. ] Prajadhipoks plans were upset by two great events. The first was the Wall Street crash of 1929, which triggered the Great Depression. Siams economy, like that of many other countries, was hit hard, and this fuelled the grievances of the political class. This dissatisfaction led to the second great event of the reign the 1932 coup detat, which compelled Prajadhipok firstly to accept a constitutional form of government, and then to relinquish power altogether by abdicating.[18] As we shall see, the 1932 revolution also had an impact on the development of education, which thereafter was geared to the process of democratization. [19] Even before the coup, Rama VII himself was aware of the dangers inherent in absolute monarchy. Intellectually, to some extent, he accepted the necessity for change. However, he proceeded too cautiously and slowly. Two years after his accession, he created a Supreme Council and the Committee of the Privy Council as means of broadening participation in decision making. Unfortunately, both these bodies were packed with members of the royal family and the aristocracy, and so did nothing to appease the frustrations of the political class. Like his two predecessors, Prajadhipok took the view that Siam was not ready for an elected legislature. It would be unfair to dismiss this as a convenient rationalisation for maintaining absolutism. Prajadhipok was not the only sceptic on the question of whether democracy could work in Siam. In 1926, Francis B Sayre, an American advisor originally hired by Vajiravudh, was consulted by Prajadhipok on a variety of pressing political questions, including democracy. Sayre later recorded his advice as follows. Discussing these issues with His Majesty, I had to point out the inherent dangers. In Siam there was no middle class. The Siamese peasants took little or no interest in public affairs but lived their simple lives in secluded rural districts. To set up a legislature and clothe it with real power overnight without an educated electorate to control it would be likely, I suggested, to invite trouble and possible corruption. Power uncontrolled was almost bound to breed corruption†¦ As I talked with him I felt the utter sincerity of the new monarch and his real desire to lead Siam modern nationhood.[20] The revolution of 1932 was not a mass uprising; no crowds were rallying in the streets. It was a bloodless coup conducted by leading elements of the new political class, eager to seize a share of power. Sayres view that there was no widespread popular demand for democratic institutions at this time is corroborated by the contemporary account of the Bangkok Times: There was no evidence that the masses took any part in the recent demonstration. The discontent of several salaried classes, especially of the officers of the Army and Navy, clearly counted most in the movement. At the same time a contributory cause is to be found in the extension of education in Siam since the middle of the nineteenth century. King Rama VII introduced western methods and technique to the country and the numbers of Siamese students trained in Europe increased. And [these classes of] educated officials, administrators, and officers having once been formed, it was only a question of time and opportunity before they demanded a share in the government of the country.[21] The coup was staged by a group calling itself the Peoples Party. All of them were of the ‘commoner class (khun nang), in other words from outside the ranks of the aristocracy. The ringleaders had begun their conspiracy five years before, in 1927, when they were students in Paris. Their western education had given them a keen sense of the inadequacy and backwardness of Siamese absolutism in the light of current Western democratic ideas. Pridi Banomyong, the leader of the Peoples Party, articulated its aims in six principles: 1. To guard independence in every way to ensure the security of the nation. This included independence in politics, the courts and the economy. 2. To preserve internal security and reduce internal strife. 3. To guarantee the economic well-being of the people, by creating full employment. 4. To make all citizens equal, so that princes and commoners had the same rights. 5. To grant all citizens freedom and equality, provided it did not conflict with the preceding principles. 6. To assure every person of a full education. Acquiescence in the coup was not the only option available to Prajadhipok. Elements of the large armed forces would probably have remained loyal and fought the revolutionaries, had he given the command. However, he wanted to avoid bloodshed, and in principle he had long recognised the need to share power to some extent. He therefore agreed to the Peoples Partys demand for a constitution, hoping to maintain a position of leadership within a constitutional framework. Accordingly, on 10 December 1932, he signed Siams first constitution, ending 700 years of absolute monarchy. This was a major turning point in Thai history, and despite the many constitutions that have followed, the fundamental principles laid down in 1932 remain the same today. Behind the scenes, however, Prajadhipok and leaders of the royalist cause struggled over the next few years to retrieve as much as possible of royal power. There were counter-coups and some limited military confrontations. At one point, Pridi Banomyong, the leading theoretician among the revolutionaries, was briefly forced into exile. Steadily, however, the balance of power shifted to the revolutionaries. In 1934, Prajadhipok sailed to Europe, ostensibly for medical treatment. Long-distance negotiations failed to reach a compromise. In 1935, apparently despairing of the situation, he abdicated. Even today, the 1932 coup remains controversial. Some historians have criticized Pridi and his party for failing to follow their six principles, while others have suggested that the principles themselves were inappropriate to the place and time. Still others have argued that the principles were good, but were misunderstood or misapplied by subsequent rulers, especially Sarit Thanarat, the eleventh Prime Minister, (1959-1963) who in theory was a devotee of the principles, but whose actual rule was a byword for tyranny and corruption.[22] I would agree with his opinion that the six principles should be developed as a network system not separated apparently and also they must be adapted according to the change and the context of time. On balance, however, there is considerable agreement that the move towards democracy in 1932 was premature. Some have gone so far as to blame Rama VII for being too fainthearted in his absolutism, arguing that he should have fought back more decisively against the new elite in the interests of the nation as a whole. As Sayre had grasped, the great majority of Siamese people at this point had no notion of democratic principles, and their participation in any democratic process could at best be passive. They could not discern the difference between absolute and constitutional monarchy. As for the coup leaders themselves, if their understanding of democracy lacked depth, their grasp of the real needs of the people was arguably just as weak.[23] To quote Sayre once again: Students returning from England or France or America often were unhappy and disturbed, with half-baked ideas about democracy and human liberty; they wanted Siam to adopt Western forms almost overnight, as if these were but outward garments. Many felt that Siamese culture was out of date, and their minds seethed with modern, western ideas, often superficial and misunderstood. [24] 1.3. The economy and public finances in the expansion period Although the Siamese economy grew overall through this period, trade was mostly in the hands of foreigners. According to modern government estimates, as much as 40% of the income generated by Siamese trade in this era went abroad.[25] Under the terms of the Bowring agreement, still in force at this time, Siams power to tax foreign businesses was narrowly circumscribed. [26] In 1918, in the aftermath of the World War, the entire world was facing economic recession. Siams balance of payments was in deficit from 1920 to the end of Vajiravudhs reign in 1925. Faced with falling revenues and the consequences of his own earlier extravagance, Vajiravudh was forced to make repeated cuts in government expenditure, and this increased his unpopularity among the military and the bureaucracy, which bore the brunt of the cuts. This situation repeated itself a few years into the next reign. From the onset of the Great Depression in 1929, Rama VII found himself obliged to make cuts in public expenditure. He felt obliged to excuse his action to military officers on February 5, 1931, thus: I fully realize that people who are the victims of the reduction program will be in deeper trouble since it is difficult for them to find other means of livelihood. I consequently feel extremely heavy-hearted and most sympathetic for those who have to leave. If I had other ways in which I could shoulder the burden, I would do everything for them but, as it is, I have no alternatives. [27] However, King Rama VII also encouraged and promoted the cooperative system by promulgating a law governing cooperatives in the year 1928. He commented, â€Å"Farmers who have limited capital but wish to pursue the same aims should form a cooperative so that they can mutually help one another in order to accumulate greater wealth †¦Ã¢â‚¬ [28] Thus the great paradox of the ‘expansion period of education reform was that the states finances, which were essential to fund the expansion of education on the scale intended, were actually in crisis through most of the second half of the period. 1.4. Culture From the reign of Rama IV, many aspects of Western culture were absorbed into Siamese life. As Europe was providing the model for progress in government, economics, and technology, its cultural influence could not be escaped. In some cases change was spontaneous, but in other it was imposed from above by the king. One of the most visible changes was in people style of dress. King Rama V decreed that when he appeared in state, the officials attending him should not dispense with their upper attire. To appear ‘topless would look barbaric to foreigners.[29] Thai women had traditionally kept their hair short and worn a waist-cloth with the end pulled between the legs and tucked in at the back. Now [When, exactly?] they started wearing skirts, grew their hair longer, and wore it in various Western styles. Other examples of royally imposed cultural changes include the introduction of an official calendar and the use of surnames. On the model of the Christian system of dating, Vajiravudh decreed the use of a calendar commencing from the death of the Buddha (the Buddhist Era, abbreviated as B.E.), which he introduced with effect from 1st April B.E. 2455 (A.D. 1912). He also required everybody to have a surname. This was an innovation, as there was no tradition of family names in Siam. In order to comply, most families had to invent surnames for themselves (in some cases, the king obligingly provided one for them!) Even today, although surnames appear on official documents such as passports, they play little part in social interaction: even prominent individuals, including politicians, are usually referred to and addressed by their first name. [all this is interesting, but can you develop it to indicate any specific impacts that the western cultural influx had on your main subject, i.e. p rimary education and ethics instruction?] Yet alongside this Westernisation of culture came a growing official concern to preserve Siamese traditions. King Rama VII established a Royal Institute to manage the Royal City Librarys activities, investigate literary works, administer the national museum, catalogue and preserve ancient sites and objects, and to maintain Siamese arts and handicrafts. 1.5. Religion/Buddhism Throughout the expansion period, the Siamese monarchys traditional support for the textual basis of Buddhism and Buddhist studies was maintained. Vajiravudh promoted the study of Buddhism in the Thai language. Several texts on Buddhism in Thai, compiled during the reign of his father, were already extant, and many writers contributed more during his own reign, especially his uncle Prince Vajirayan, the Supreme Patriarch. Prajadhipok convened a council of monks under the chairmanship of Prince Jinavara Sirivatthana, the Supreme Patriarch of his reign, for the purpose of checking the contents of the 39 volumes of the Tripitaka (the Buddhist scriptural canon) that had been printed in the days of Rama V, comparing it to editions of the Tripitaka from other Buddhist countries. Revisions were made, and a new text, known as ‘the Siam-Rath edition, was printed in 1927.[30] Prajadhipok took an interest in improving the education of children in Buddhism. He once said, ‘The teaching of Buddhism to children in Siam has not been satisfactory. Children must be taught to understand morals when they are very young. Religious texts for them should be written in a way that they easily understand.'[31] To remedy the situation, he established at his personal expense a foundation (which still exists today) to make awards to the winners of regular competitions for the best literary work in Thai on Buddhism. The winning texts were published and distributed to children on Visakha Bucha Day. The position of Buddhism in Siam, and the role of the king in relation to it, were preserved in the 1932 Constitution, which stated that ‘the king must be a Buddhist and the upholder of Buddhism. The role of monks in the modernised school system peaked and began to wane during the expansion period. Although Rama V had clearly seen the need for professional lay teachers, he seems also to have envisaged that monks would indefinitely continue to play a part in modern education. This was part and parcel of his belief that ‘there exists no incompatibility between [the] acquisition of European science and the maintenance of our individuality as an independent Asiatic nation.'[32] As David Wyatt has put it, Rama V believed that ‘Traditional institutions [such as the] Buddhist monkhood†¦ could, without creating copies of Western institutions, be bent to new ends that in essence were not so very different from the ideals of Buddhist Siamese civilization.'[33] During the first part of the expansion period, practical necessity also contributed to the continuation of the monks role in schooling. Modernisation was still in its early days, and the shortage of trained lay teachers obliged the government to continue to rely on the services of monks. Indeed, as late as 1909, we find the government issuing instructions to local authorities that monasteries which had not hitherto made a contribution towards public education should be encouraged to take part in the general endeavour. However, the aim was to produce specially trained lay teachers, and it was inevitable that these would replace the monks in the long run. After all, the monastic sangha was an entity in its own right, with its own agenda and prestige. Monks could never be so amenable to state control as a body of state-trained and state-paid professional teachers. For this reason, from 1915 onwards there was a steady decrease in the total number of monks teaching in schools, even though the number of monasteries being used as school buildings continued to increase for a while. While discussing the role of religion in the new system, we must also note that, although Christianity as a doctrine had little impact on the development of Siamese education (there were relatively few converts), Christian organisations contributed significantly to its growth. It pioneered the modern system of public education in offering Western Education to the kings and his children in the reign of King Rama IV and V. History of Primary Education Reform 1871-1904 History of Primary Education Reform 1871-1904 1. Siam in the Expansion period 1905 1934 In the preceding chapter, we considered the foundation period of primary education reform from 1871 to 1904, particularly in relation to ethics instruction. In this chapter, we will consider the second period of reform the expansion period. This period, extending from 1905 to 1934, embraced the last five years of King Rama Vs reign (1905 1910), together with the reigns of Kings Vajiravudh (or Rama VI, 1910 1925) and Prajadiphok (or Rama VII, 1925 1934). These were eventful years for Siam, witnessing the rise of a new political class, the countrys entry upon the international stage through its participation in the Great War and the League of Nations, the effects of the Great Depression, the abrupt transition from absolute to constitutional monarchy in the revolution of 1932, and the abdication of the reigning monarch Rama VII in 1934. ‘Goodness, beauty and prosperity will be with them throughout their lives if they have acquired education.'[1] These words from Rama Vs decree of 1871 sum up his vision of education, including its moral dimension. As we have seen, he began by ‘modernising education within the palace, but by the end of his reign had embarked on the expansion of educational opportunities to people of all classes throughout Siam. Early in the expansion period, the subject of Ethics was added to the primary curriculum, its content comprising essentially a course in Buddhist morality. This reflected the anxiety of Rama V that the people would lose touch with their ethical and spiritual roots in Buddhism a possible undesirable side-effect of his own attempts modernise (which meant, in effect, to ‘secularise) the education system. At the start of the foundation period, Rama Vs most pressing educational concern had been to produce more highly qualified and competent administrators to staff the offices of his government. By the end of his reign, however, the realisation was growing that a modern state needed not just a literate bureaucracy but also a diversely skilled workforce capable of supporting a productive and diversified economy. Thus, by 1913, King Vajiravudh (Rama Vs son) had proclaimed two national educational goals: to broaden the scope of public education beyond the art of reading and writing, and to educate the people for productive vocations.[2] Attempts to develop basic education on these lines, and even to provide opportunities for higher education, continued through the reign of Prajadhipok (Rama VII: 1925-1934). In 1932, however, a coup took real power from his hands, leaving him as a figurehead. Nevertheless, the cause of public education was taken up vigorously by the new national government. Article 63 of the 1932 Constitution stated that ‘all educational institutions must be under the State and more than half of the population will complete primary education by 1942.'[3] The revolution had been carried out in the name of democracy, but the revolutionaries were uncomfortably aware that the Siamese people had little notion of what would be required of them in a parliamentary state. Thus Siams the school system found itself charged with an additional task to educate citizens for democracy. Before focusing on the changes made to education in the expansion period, we must explore more fully these aspects of the historical context.[4][5] 1.2. Politics and Administration 1905-1934 (B.E. 2448-2477) Faced with the advance of western colonialism, King Rama V had embarked on a radical program of modernization of Siamese society. Only a ‘modern Siam could preserve its independence and identity against Western power. But modernisation was a long-term strategy. In the short term, it was necessary to play for time by cultivating friendly relations with the colonial powers, in the hope of forestalling any confrontation that might lead to the loss of territory or sovereignty. Accordingly, Rama V signed a number of unequal treaties, granting extraterritorial rights to European citizens, and even gave up some of his dominions to assuage the imperial appetites of Britain and France. From 1894, Rama V carried out a major administrative reorganization, putting in place a system which still forms the basis of public administration today. Administration was decentralized to regional and local authorities (Monthons) under the power of the Interior Ministry. Each region comprised a number of provinces (or towns), and each province a number of districts and villages. The head of each region was a Lord-Lieutenant, or sometimes a Viceroy, who was invested with full power to administer his area under the provisions of the Royal Decrees promulgated from time to time. Governors and district officers were appointed in all rural areas. Bangkok was exempted from this system, as the king remained its supreme head, although he delegated this power to the Metropolitan Ministry.[6] Taken as a whole, these measures were successful both in maintaining the countrys independence throughout the turbulent years of the Western colonial threat and in providing a foundation for the modern system of government.[7] [Was this the local government system that inherited responsibility for the local schools in 1935, after the failure of the local committee system was acknowledged?] 1.2.1. King Vajiravudh (1910 1925) At the death of Rama V in 1910, his son Prince Vajiravudh succeeded to the throne as Rama VI. The first Siamese monarch to receive an education abroad, Vajiravudh had attended Sandhurst and Christchurch College, Oxford, spending nine years in England before his return to Siam in January 1903.[8] As king, Vajiravudh continued the process of nation-building and administrative reform begun by his father. By this time, the educational initiatives of the previous reign were producing actual improvements in the quality of governmental administration. Junior officials were better qualified and more capable. In addition, at the elite levels of government, many of the kings brothers had, like the king himself, completed studies in Europe in a range of fields including natural science, finance, public administration, military science, and diplomacy. They were able to bring this expertise to their leading roles in government. As a result of the high importance attached to it by the crown over two reigns, government service acquired a prestige that made people prefer it to other occupations. In the expansion period, the government increasingly saw that this tendency was not wholly beneficial to the broader development of Siams society or economy.[9] Peoples aspirations needed to be channelled in the direction of economically productive work. Meanwhile, the upper echelons of the growing bureaucratic class had become part of a new social elite. There were two other strands to this elite: the officers of the new standing army, and the business class that had emerged since the Bowring treaty opened up Siam to free international trade in 1855. Together, these three groups formed a new ‘political class that increasingly resented its exclusion from power. As we will see, this sense of exclusion ultimately found expression in the revolution of 1932. Vajiravudh, however, was more preoccupied with Siams fortunes in the international arena than with creating a fairer distribution of power within the kingdom. If Siam was to stay independent, its people had to be made patriotic and ready to fight for their nation. Accordingly, from the beginning of his reign, he tried to promote nationalistic feelings in Thai men and boys, and to develop military discipline and training. To this end, he founded the Boy Scout Organization in 1909. Boys were encouraged to join the scouts, where they learned to be patriotic, to obey rules and orders, and to sacrifice themselves for their country.[10] In 1911, a Senior Scouts Corps was established and became, in effect, a territorial army. As we will see, scouting activities were also eventually incorporated into the school curriculum. Thus, these patriotic and military virtues became part of the ethics that the school system tried to inculcate. Another step in the same direction was the creation of the ‘Wild Tiger (Sua Pa) Corps in 1911. The name was borrowed from the group of men who kept watch on the frontiers of Siam. These Wild Tigers of the past were believed to have embodied qualities such as hardiness, patriotism, piety, fearlessness, and devotion to the king, combined with deep knowledge of both nature and warfare all the qualities, in short, that Vajiravudh wanted to promote among Siamese manhood in his own day.[11] World War I provided Siam with an opportunity to test its new military prowess, and to raise its international profile. Vajiravudh prudently maintained neutrality through most of the war, but in July 1917 he decided that the time had come to demonstrate Siams progress towards modern nationhood. He entered the war on the side of the Allies, sending an expeditionary force of 1,200 volunteers to Europe. Shortly after entering the war, Vajiravudh also changed the national flag, abandoning the motif (introduced by Rama II) of an elephant on a red ground, and replacing it with the Siamese tricolour, which remains in use today. The choice of red, white and blue was a shrewd gesture of solidarity with Siams war allies in particular the colonial powers, Britain and France which had flags of the same three colours. The deeper significance of the flag, however, was as a symbol of the new consciousness that Vajiravudh wanted to create in Siam and for which education was to be an important instrument. The Siamese (still, in reality, mainly a nation of subsistence farmers, living in remote villages, most of whom had never seen a foreigner, or read a newspaper) had to be made more aware of their Siamese identity; they had to be made to feel a patriotism that transcended local loyalties, and become willing to fight or make sacrifices for their country. The new flag communicated this duty. It had five horizontal stripes (from top to bottom: red, white, blue, white, and red). The red stripes stood for the nation (and for blood spilt in its defence), the white ones for religion (the moral purity of the Dhamma), and the wider blue band in the centre occupying one-third of the total area symbolized the monarchy. The monarch would be a focus for patriotism, crystallising a vague sense of belonging into a specific obligation. In this way, loyalty to the monarchy became part of ‘ethics that were cultivated in the school system. Vajiravudhs efforts to play the part of friend to the colonial powers met with some success. Upon the defeat of Germany in 1918, Siam participated in the Versailles conference and became a founding member of the League of Nations. Having thus achieved a presence in the international arena, Siam began to renegotiate the unequal treaties of the two preceding reigns. In 1920 the United States became the first country to give up special trading privileges and extraterritorial rights, except in certain cases.[12] But growing international esteem could not stop growing discontent at home, which was in fact being fuelled by education. By this time, not only members of the royal family were being educated abroad. Some members of the foreign-educated elite brought radical political ideas back with them when they came home from Europe. At the same time, Siam itself was becoming more exposed to western culture, as the growth of literacy created a minority market for newspapers and literature. Western novels and romances were translated, and film screenings were common in Bangkok by the time Vajiravudh came to the throne in 1910. Ideas of freedom and equality were part and parcel of this cultural influx.[13] At the same time, the conspicuous wealth and unrestrained power of the royal family began to provoke resentment. The behaviour of Vajiravudh, an aesthete who loved display, tended to fuel this ill will. His coronation in 1910, a grand affair attended by royalty from Europe and Japan, swallowed no less than 8% of the national budget. This and other extravagances, such as his enthusiasm for palace-building, soon got him into debt, necessitating a foreign loan. For all Vajiravudhs intellectual sophistication, such habits made it difficult for him to command the same respect as his father. A challenge to absolutism began to take shape in Siam among the new political class.[14] Even before Vajiravudh, Rama V had been confronted with the question of whether to share his power. As we have seen, he resisted the suggestion that he move towards a more constitutional form of government in his lifetime. However, he realised that this resistance could not last forever. Shortly before his death in 1910, he stated to ministers his wish that the Crown Prince Vajiravudh should introduce a constitution and a parliament when he eventually to the throne.[15] When that time came, however, Vajiravudh did no such thing. In 1912, two years after Vajiravudhs accession, a group of junior army officers, exasperated with absolutism, plotted a coup detat. Their plan was discovered before it could be implemented and the leaders were imprisoned. However, the attempt forced Vajiravudh to recognise the vulnerability of his position. At first, he attempted to enter into dialogue with the critics by giving lectures and writing articles for the press (something that his education and literary ability qualified him to do), sometimes under the concealment of pseudonyms.[16] For example, in Klon Tid Law (‘Mud on Wheels), he argued that the main obstruction to the development of the kingdom was the lack of competent people: the implication was perhaps that Siam was not ready for democracy yet. But by 1916 the king had lost patience. Giving up on dialogue and experimentation, he opted for repression. He began by closing down certain newspapers on various pretexts, and in 1923, (after some years of hesitation prompted by fear of western criticism), he enshrined censorship in law, prosecuting many publishers and closing many presses. Yet even now, realising perhaps that history was against him, he equivocated by showing some willingness to move towards constitutional government. As late as 1924, he stated that: If people really want a constitution, and if it is well intended, then petition for it. I shall not hold any grudges against anyone for doing so. I shall consider the pros and cons of the petition. I myself think that it is better to have a constitution, and feel that for one person to hold absolute power is not judicious.[17] However, any further steps that he might have taken towards constitutional government were cut short. After ruling Siam for 15 years, Vajiravudh died of blood poisoning in 1925 at the early age of 44. King Vajiravudh deliberately ignored the current tradition that each reigning ruler usually set up one royal monastery by turning his attention to setting up an educational institution instead; he had Vajiravudh College established under his patronage. [This might go better in the later section on religion. It might suggest that the influence of Buddhism faded a bit in Vajiravudhs reign.] 1.2.2. Prajadhipok (Rama VII) 1925-1934 King Prajadhipok, officially named Rama VII, came to the throne in 1925. He promulgated many new laws such as the Land Expropriation Act 1928, the marriage law amendment 1930, etc. [Something should be said about the significance of these laws. Otherwise, the reader learns little from these statements.] All of these laws were thoroughly scrutinized [by whom?] and were strictly adhered to by the populace, which positively affected the country [This sounds too blandly positive and uncritical see my ‘advice.] [Also, I think you need to say something about Prajadhipoks policies on education and Ethics instruction. If he simply continued the policies of Rama VII, you need to say so explicitly. ] Prajadhipoks plans were upset by two great events. The first was the Wall Street crash of 1929, which triggered the Great Depression. Siams economy, like that of many other countries, was hit hard, and this fuelled the grievances of the political class. This dissatisfaction led to the second great event of the reign the 1932 coup detat, which compelled Prajadhipok firstly to accept a constitutional form of government, and then to relinquish power altogether by abdicating.[18] As we shall see, the 1932 revolution also had an impact on the development of education, which thereafter was geared to the process of democratization. [19] Even before the coup, Rama VII himself was aware of the dangers inherent in absolute monarchy. Intellectually, to some extent, he accepted the necessity for change. However, he proceeded too cautiously and slowly. Two years after his accession, he created a Supreme Council and the Committee of the Privy Council as means of broadening participation in decision making. Unfortunately, both these bodies were packed with members of the royal family and the aristocracy, and so did nothing to appease the frustrations of the political class. Like his two predecessors, Prajadhipok took the view that Siam was not ready for an elected legislature. It would be unfair to dismiss this as a convenient rationalisation for maintaining absolutism. Prajadhipok was not the only sceptic on the question of whether democracy could work in Siam. In 1926, Francis B Sayre, an American advisor originally hired by Vajiravudh, was consulted by Prajadhipok on a variety of pressing political questions, including democracy. Sayre later recorded his advice as follows. Discussing these issues with His Majesty, I had to point out the inherent dangers. In Siam there was no middle class. The Siamese peasants took little or no interest in public affairs but lived their simple lives in secluded rural districts. To set up a legislature and clothe it with real power overnight without an educated electorate to control it would be likely, I suggested, to invite trouble and possible corruption. Power uncontrolled was almost bound to breed corruption†¦ As I talked with him I felt the utter sincerity of the new monarch and his real desire to lead Siam modern nationhood.[20] The revolution of 1932 was not a mass uprising; no crowds were rallying in the streets. It was a bloodless coup conducted by leading elements of the new political class, eager to seize a share of power. Sayres view that there was no widespread popular demand for democratic institutions at this time is corroborated by the contemporary account of the Bangkok Times: There was no evidence that the masses took any part in the recent demonstration. The discontent of several salaried classes, especially of the officers of the Army and Navy, clearly counted most in the movement. At the same time a contributory cause is to be found in the extension of education in Siam since the middle of the nineteenth century. King Rama VII introduced western methods and technique to the country and the numbers of Siamese students trained in Europe increased. And [these classes of] educated officials, administrators, and officers having once been formed, it was only a question of time and opportunity before they demanded a share in the government of the country.[21] The coup was staged by a group calling itself the Peoples Party. All of them were of the ‘commoner class (khun nang), in other words from outside the ranks of the aristocracy. The ringleaders had begun their conspiracy five years before, in 1927, when they were students in Paris. Their western education had given them a keen sense of the inadequacy and backwardness of Siamese absolutism in the light of current Western democratic ideas. Pridi Banomyong, the leader of the Peoples Party, articulated its aims in six principles: 1. To guard independence in every way to ensure the security of the nation. This included independence in politics, the courts and the economy. 2. To preserve internal security and reduce internal strife. 3. To guarantee the economic well-being of the people, by creating full employment. 4. To make all citizens equal, so that princes and commoners had the same rights. 5. To grant all citizens freedom and equality, provided it did not conflict with the preceding principles. 6. To assure every person of a full education. Acquiescence in the coup was not the only option available to Prajadhipok. Elements of the large armed forces would probably have remained loyal and fought the revolutionaries, had he given the command. However, he wanted to avoid bloodshed, and in principle he had long recognised the need to share power to some extent. He therefore agreed to the Peoples Partys demand for a constitution, hoping to maintain a position of leadership within a constitutional framework. Accordingly, on 10 December 1932, he signed Siams first constitution, ending 700 years of absolute monarchy. This was a major turning point in Thai history, and despite the many constitutions that have followed, the fundamental principles laid down in 1932 remain the same today. Behind the scenes, however, Prajadhipok and leaders of the royalist cause struggled over the next few years to retrieve as much as possible of royal power. There were counter-coups and some limited military confrontations. At one point, Pridi Banomyong, the leading theoretician among the revolutionaries, was briefly forced into exile. Steadily, however, the balance of power shifted to the revolutionaries. In 1934, Prajadhipok sailed to Europe, ostensibly for medical treatment. Long-distance negotiations failed to reach a compromise. In 1935, apparently despairing of the situation, he abdicated. Even today, the 1932 coup remains controversial. Some historians have criticized Pridi and his party for failing to follow their six principles, while others have suggested that the principles themselves were inappropriate to the place and time. Still others have argued that the principles were good, but were misunderstood or misapplied by subsequent rulers, especially Sarit Thanarat, the eleventh Prime Minister, (1959-1963) who in theory was a devotee of the principles, but whose actual rule was a byword for tyranny and corruption.[22] I would agree with his opinion that the six principles should be developed as a network system not separated apparently and also they must be adapted according to the change and the context of time. On balance, however, there is considerable agreement that the move towards democracy in 1932 was premature. Some have gone so far as to blame Rama VII for being too fainthearted in his absolutism, arguing that he should have fought back more decisively against the new elite in the interests of the nation as a whole. As Sayre had grasped, the great majority of Siamese people at this point had no notion of democratic principles, and their participation in any democratic process could at best be passive. They could not discern the difference between absolute and constitutional monarchy. As for the coup leaders themselves, if their understanding of democracy lacked depth, their grasp of the real needs of the people was arguably just as weak.[23] To quote Sayre once again: Students returning from England or France or America often were unhappy and disturbed, with half-baked ideas about democracy and human liberty; they wanted Siam to adopt Western forms almost overnight, as if these were but outward garments. Many felt that Siamese culture was out of date, and their minds seethed with modern, western ideas, often superficial and misunderstood. [24] 1.3. The economy and public finances in the expansion period Although the Siamese economy grew overall through this period, trade was mostly in the hands of foreigners. According to modern government estimates, as much as 40% of the income generated by Siamese trade in this era went abroad.[25] Under the terms of the Bowring agreement, still in force at this time, Siams power to tax foreign businesses was narrowly circumscribed. [26] In 1918, in the aftermath of the World War, the entire world was facing economic recession. Siams balance of payments was in deficit from 1920 to the end of Vajiravudhs reign in 1925. Faced with falling revenues and the consequences of his own earlier extravagance, Vajiravudh was forced to make repeated cuts in government expenditure, and this increased his unpopularity among the military and the bureaucracy, which bore the brunt of the cuts. This situation repeated itself a few years into the next reign. From the onset of the Great Depression in 1929, Rama VII found himself obliged to make cuts in public expenditure. He felt obliged to excuse his action to military officers on February 5, 1931, thus: I fully realize that people who are the victims of the reduction program will be in deeper trouble since it is difficult for them to find other means of livelihood. I consequently feel extremely heavy-hearted and most sympathetic for those who have to leave. If I had other ways in which I could shoulder the burden, I would do everything for them but, as it is, I have no alternatives. [27] However, King Rama VII also encouraged and promoted the cooperative system by promulgating a law governing cooperatives in the year 1928. He commented, â€Å"Farmers who have limited capital but wish to pursue the same aims should form a cooperative so that they can mutually help one another in order to accumulate greater wealth †¦Ã¢â‚¬ [28] Thus the great paradox of the ‘expansion period of education reform was that the states finances, which were essential to fund the expansion of education on the scale intended, were actually in crisis through most of the second half of the period. 1.4. Culture From the reign of Rama IV, many aspects of Western culture were absorbed into Siamese life. As Europe was providing the model for progress in government, economics, and technology, its cultural influence could not be escaped. In some cases change was spontaneous, but in other it was imposed from above by the king. One of the most visible changes was in people style of dress. King Rama V decreed that when he appeared in state, the officials attending him should not dispense with their upper attire. To appear ‘topless would look barbaric to foreigners.[29] Thai women had traditionally kept their hair short and worn a waist-cloth with the end pulled between the legs and tucked in at the back. Now [When, exactly?] they started wearing skirts, grew their hair longer, and wore it in various Western styles. Other examples of royally imposed cultural changes include the introduction of an official calendar and the use of surnames. On the model of the Christian system of dating, Vajiravudh decreed the use of a calendar commencing from the death of the Buddha (the Buddhist Era, abbreviated as B.E.), which he introduced with effect from 1st April B.E. 2455 (A.D. 1912). He also required everybody to have a surname. This was an innovation, as there was no tradition of family names in Siam. In order to comply, most families had to invent surnames for themselves (in some cases, the king obligingly provided one for them!) Even today, although surnames appear on official documents such as passports, they play little part in social interaction: even prominent individuals, including politicians, are usually referred to and addressed by their first name. [all this is interesting, but can you develop it to indicate any specific impacts that the western cultural influx had on your main subject, i.e. p rimary education and ethics instruction?] Yet alongside this Westernisation of culture came a growing official concern to preserve Siamese traditions. King Rama VII established a Royal Institute to manage the Royal City Librarys activities, investigate literary works, administer the national museum, catalogue and preserve ancient sites and objects, and to maintain Siamese arts and handicrafts. 1.5. Religion/Buddhism Throughout the expansion period, the Siamese monarchys traditional support for the textual basis of Buddhism and Buddhist studies was maintained. Vajiravudh promoted the study of Buddhism in the Thai language. Several texts on Buddhism in Thai, compiled during the reign of his father, were already extant, and many writers contributed more during his own reign, especially his uncle Prince Vajirayan, the Supreme Patriarch. Prajadhipok convened a council of monks under the chairmanship of Prince Jinavara Sirivatthana, the Supreme Patriarch of his reign, for the purpose of checking the contents of the 39 volumes of the Tripitaka (the Buddhist scriptural canon) that had been printed in the days of Rama V, comparing it to editions of the Tripitaka from other Buddhist countries. Revisions were made, and a new text, known as ‘the Siam-Rath edition, was printed in 1927.[30] Prajadhipok took an interest in improving the education of children in Buddhism. He once said, ‘The teaching of Buddhism to children in Siam has not been satisfactory. Children must be taught to understand morals when they are very young. Religious texts for them should be written in a way that they easily understand.'[31] To remedy the situation, he established at his personal expense a foundation (which still exists today) to make awards to the winners of regular competitions for the best literary work in Thai on Buddhism. The winning texts were published and distributed to children on Visakha Bucha Day. The position of Buddhism in Siam, and the role of the king in relation to it, were preserved in the 1932 Constitution, which stated that ‘the king must be a Buddhist and the upholder of Buddhism. The role of monks in the modernised school system peaked and began to wane during the expansion period. Although Rama V had clearly seen the need for professional lay teachers, he seems also to have envisaged that monks would indefinitely continue to play a part in modern education. This was part and parcel of his belief that ‘there exists no incompatibility between [the] acquisition of European science and the maintenance of our individuality as an independent Asiatic nation.'[32] As David Wyatt has put it, Rama V believed that ‘Traditional institutions [such as the] Buddhist monkhood†¦ could, without creating copies of Western institutions, be bent to new ends that in essence were not so very different from the ideals of Buddhist Siamese civilization.'[33] During the first part of the expansion period, practical necessity also contributed to the continuation of the monks role in schooling. Modernisation was still in its early days, and the shortage of trained lay teachers obliged the government to continue to rely on the services of monks. Indeed, as late as 1909, we find the government issuing instructions to local authorities that monasteries which had not hitherto made a contribution towards public education should be encouraged to take part in the general endeavour. However, the aim was to produce specially trained lay teachers, and it was inevitable that these would replace the monks in the long run. After all, the monastic sangha was an entity in its own right, with its own agenda and prestige. Monks could never be so amenable to state control as a body of state-trained and state-paid professional teachers. For this reason, from 1915 onwards there was a steady decrease in the total number of monks teaching in schools, even though the number of monasteries being used as school buildings continued to increase for a while. While discussing the role of religion in the new system, we must also note that, although Christianity as a doctrine had little impact on the development of Siamese education (there were relatively few converts), Christian organisations contributed significantly to its growth. It pioneered the modern system of public education in offering Western Education to the kings and his children in the reign of King Rama IV and V.